Print

Journal of International Law an International Relations
 

Belarusian Journal of International Law and International Relations 2000 — N 1

Summaries 


International Law

International Humanitarian Law

The 50th Anniversary of the Geneva Conventions — Yves Sandoz

Implementation Mechanism of International Humanitarian Law Norms at National Level — Vitaly Kalugin

Dissemination of Information on International Humanitarian Law — Eric Chislov

International Treaties Law

Legal Regime of Reservations to the 1969 Vienna Convention on the Law of International Treaties — Alexandr Zharsky

Refugee Law

The League of Nation’s Role in Forming Refuge Law — Yury Sarashevsky

International Relations

Central and Eastern European Countries and the Problems of the European Union Enlargement — Carlos de Cueto Nogueras

Russia-Belarus Integration and Public Opinion — Alexandr Sharapo

Customs Union: Plans and Realities — Anatoly Sirotsky

Foreign Policy and International Relations of Belarus in the Studies of National and International Relations Department of the National Academy of Sciences of Belarus Institute of History (1960—1990s) — Vladimir Snapkovsky

Hans Morgenthau: a Realist Theory of International Policy — Nina Antanovich, Elena Dostanko

The Balfour Declaration November 2, 1917 and the Draft Declaration of the Zionist Organisation July 18, 1917: the Analysis of the Texts at the Semantic Level — Dmitry Sheveliov

Documents and Materials

Uniting Russia and Belarus: Problems and Prospects (from the Third Round-Table Discussion of the Scholars of Russia and Belarus) — Felix Pribytkovsky

International Economic Relations

Technological Cooperation in Asian Pacific Region: Experience for the Notice of Russian Federation and the CIS Countries — Rostislav Spivak

The Direct Foreign Investments Role in Chinese Economy — Ekaterina Sapozhnikova


English Summaries


"The 50th Anniversary of the Geneva Conventions" (Yves Sandoz)

The article reveals the significance of the 1949 Geneva Conventions on the protection of victims of military conflicts in connection with the 50th Anniversary of their adoption.

The author reviews the codification process on international humanitarian law from the 1949 Geneva Conventions and 1977 Additional Protocols to the 1995 and 1996 Protocols to the 1980 Convention on prohibition of use, stockpiling, production and proliferation of landmines, 1999 Protocol II to the 1954 Hague Convention on the protection of cultural heritage during military conflicts. However, the author primarily focuses on the analysis of gaps that exist in international humanitarian law: 1) non-observance of provisions of 1977 Protocol II by the states, therefore not having the custom norms status, thus permitting the governments not to recognize the combatant status for individual reprisals and massive executions causing terroristic measures from the opposition side in response; 2) the terms of a military object, the proportionality principle and principle of non-infliction of extreme damage require a more precise definition in connection with modern military conflicts: too broad and imprecise interpretation of these principles may emasculate their content, on the other side, their specification requires maintaining intensive dialogue with their users; 3) the issue of unjustifiable use of nuclear weapons was not solved either, even the UN International Court on Justice its 1996 Consultative conclusion failed to clear it; 4) development of new international treaties in the sphere of banning the use of certain types of weapons is an extremely complex and long process and the demand of their obligatory ratification makes their application in the near future problematic, therefore a proposition of development and application of new international instruments in the form of addendum to 1977 Protocol I could facilitate their reconsideration and implementation with observance of simplified procedures; 5) it is necessary to develop provisions pertaining to application of the international humanitarian law by the UN forces in order to increase the UN authority and observance of humanitarian law; 6) the criteria measuring the efficiency of the humanitarian aid should be made precise because of unefficient control envisaged by the international humanitarian law towards its distribution; 7) development of additional measures during military conflicts is required to protect women who are exposed to severe hardships during wars; 8) Article 1 that is common to the 1949 Geneva Conventions concerning the state responsibility to observe international humanitarian law norms needs more precise interpretation, eliminating the possibility of its application as the ground for resorting to force against any state.

The author concludes, that even though international humanitarian law has a special place in history and it exists within time limits, the future of humanity mainly depends on the extent, to which the law can unite people around fundamental values it protects: respect of this law provides the basis for peace settlement despite current wars; every person should always be guided by it during the continious struggle against the reasons that cause these wars.


"Implementation Mechanism of International Humanitarian Law Norms at National Level" (Vitaly Kalugin)

The article studies the implementation mechanism of international humanitarian law norms at national level. The author draws attention to the fact that certain measures should be introduced at national level in order to turn the aims fixed in the international humanitarian law norms into real actions or, in some cases, into inactivity of the bodies and individuals under the jurisdiction of the state. The adoption of these measures is possible only within the framework of national implementation mechanism, regarded by the author as an aggregate of national legal and organizational means, used by the member-state of the 1949 Geneva Convention and other international agreements in the sphere of protection of war victims and limitation of means and methods of military actions with the aim of full, timely and comprehensive realization of obligations undertaken in accordance with international humanitarian law.

The author believes, that the content of legal and organizational means, existing to provide the implementation of normative directives following from the international law in every state, depends on the nature of international legal norms (executing and the ones, whose realization depends on national law assistance) and on the specific national legal system.

The article shows that the national implementation mechanism of international law norms of every state has specific features, stemming from the peculiarities of national legal system. However, a range of features, mostly characterizing the state structure, are universal.

The structure of national implementation mechanism includes the following elements:

— the legal means of international obligations fulfillment at national level fixed in the state’s legal order;

— a system of national bodies, authorized to realize international obligations;

— national law enforcement practice;

— the organizational means used at national level to provide the implementation of international humanitarian law.

The existence of national mechanism of international law norms implementation, including humanitarian law, provides full, timely and comprehensive realization of international obligations undertaken by the states. The state’s image, the efficiency of its legal system, authority on civil protection, including the cases of military conflicts, depend greatly on effectiveness of national implementation mechanism.


"Dissemination of Information on International Humanitarian Law" (Eric Chislov)

The article gives a brief historical retrospection into the foundation and development of the institution of the dissemination of knowledge on international humanitarian law. It also characterizes basic regulations of international legal instruments in the sphere of dissemination of information on international humanitarian law. Besides, the article throws light on the activities of the dissemination and study of international humanitarian law by the servicemen of the Armed Forces of the Republic of Belarus. It contains several conclusions and recommendations on organization of the process of study of international humanitarian law. In particular, one of the main conclusions is that practical training of rules fixed by international humanitarian law, its teaching, avoiding complex legal terminology, obscure interpretation of the rules and aiming to provide easy understanding of the norms of the international humanitarian law, is greatly significant for dissemination of information on international humanitarian law among servicemen. Differential approach to the teaching process, depending on the category of the trainees is also important. Both training and documentation videofilms about the activities of the International Committee of the Red Cross, the former and existing military conflicts etc. are considered to be an efficient technique of this teaching process.

Since the regulations of the 1949 Geneva Conventions and the 1977 Additional Protocols do not limit the states in their right to choose forms and methods of dissemination of international humanitarian law, but only establish the state’s responsibility in implementing this activity, using expediently all possible methods and means that allow to disseminate efficiently the information on the international humanitarian law, the author believes, that the discussion of this issue in the Belarusian Journal of International Law and International Relations will also contribute to its success.


"Legal Regime of Reservations to the 1969 Vienna Convention on the Law of International Treaties" (Alexandr Zharsky)

When studying the institution of reservations to the international treaties in modern international law, one can claim that a mechanism of its international legal regulation has taken shape, including both treaty and custom norms that regulate the procedure of introduction and adoption of reservations to various treaties by the states and international organizations.

The 1969 Vienna Conventions on international agreements law has become the first universal international agreement regulating the institution of reservations to international treaties. They fix a flexible system of reservations as a counterbalance to the unanimity rule, used formerly within the framework of the League of Nations. Articles 2(d), 19—23 are specially devoted to reservations. In the aggregate, the provisions of these articles form an international legal regime of reservations that can be called "the Vienna regime".

The analysis of the norms of the Vienna Convention, regarding reservations, gives the following conclusions:

1) the issue of reservations has been and still is one of the most contradictory and complex in modern international law. Being the result of negotiating of positions regarding controversial issues, the Vienna Convention contributed to further codification and progressive development of legal regulation of reservations. It should be noted that many of its provisions have acquired the nature of custom norms and operate in this quality for the states, that are not parties to this convention;

2) the Convention provisions support the growing assertion of the right of the states to formulate reservations;

3) the Vienna Convention fixed a flexible regime of reservations that may apply to various forms of treaties. The regime flexibility is conditioned by the introduction of the criterion of the reservation’s compatibility with the object and the aim of the treaty, the freedom of making of reservations, the freedom to raise an objection and define the consequences of this objection and, finally, it is conditioned by the dispositivity of norms of the Vienna Conventions which allows the parties to define themselves the reservations’ admissibility, the procedure of their adoption and their consequences.

Significant drawbacks of the Vienna Convention are seen mainly in the obscure, indistinct and ambiguous nature of many of its provisions, which causes discrepancies in their interpretation and use. An example of this is the absence of an objective procedure of establishment of the reservation admissibility in Article 19, namely, the definition of the criterion of compatibility with the object and the aim of the treaty, indefinite regulation of the consequences of the introduction of an illegal reservation. A range of issues, such as legal regimes of reservations regarding bilateral treaties and treaties on human rights, was not mentioned in the Vienna Convention at all.

The existing complexities and drawbacks concerning regulation of reservations by the Vienna Convention and the absence of correlation between the states’ practices determine the direction of further study and development of the institution of reservation in modern international law. The world community obviously needs more detailed regulation of reservations to the international treaties, which would meet the current situation. In this connection the activities of the Commission on International Law and other bodies of international organizations, that are involved in codification and progressive development of international law, become the object of attention.


"The League of Nation’s Role in Forming Refuge Law" (Yury Sarashevsky)

The article analyses the provisions of the first international treaties on refugee protection, adopted under the auspices of the League of Nations. Priority is given to the treaties and conventions, which are referred to in the 1951 Convention relating to the Status of Refugees, currently in force: Arrangement relating to the Issue of Identity Certificates to Russian and Armenian Refugees, dated May 12, 1926; Arrangement relating to the Legal Status of Russian and Armenian Refugees dated June 30, 1928; Convention relating to the International Status of Refugees dated October 28, 1933; Convention concerning the Status of Refugees coming from Germany, dated February 10, 1938.

The abovementioned instruments and some others are recognized to be the source of modern international refugee law. The article reviews some provisions of these instruments in connection with the modern concept of their interpretation. In particular, the article considers the norms regulating the following:

— the definition of the "refugee" concept;

— the legal status of refugees;

— the refugees’ gainful employment;

— social security issues;

— administrative support for refugees;

— the refugees monitoring bodies activity.

In conclusion the article identifies some drawbacks of the convention under analysis, the main of which is the absence of binding force. The article notes, that in some cases the states were reluctant to ratify international instruments.


"Central and Eastern European Countries and the Problems of the European Union Enlargement" (Carlos de Cueto Nogueras)

Following the fall of the Berlin Wall, and while the Central and Eastern European countries suffered the transitional shock therapy and awaited admittance to the European economic club as a way of relieving the pain of transition, the EU and its Member States became profoundly introspective and absorbed in deep introspection questioning, the project of integration itself and displacing the Community interest priorities for those of the national interests. If in Central and Eastern Europe the economic and social crisis, which followed this process of transformation, has caused a return to national identification, nationalist aggression, claims to absolute sovereignty of the nation-State and the all-consuming ethnic-nationalism, in Western Europe the multidimensional crisis within the European integration project through the concept of Political Union against a background of economic recession and unemployment, has resulted in the Treaties of Maastricht and Amsterdam. Europe, following the initial euphoria over the fall of communism, is much too interested, preoccupied, and self-centered on its own objectives and internal problems to pay sufficient attention to the Central and Eastern European countries, and thus it is endangering political, economic and social stability within these societies and the emerging regional markets they represent.

Thus, this delaying and obstructionist strategy in the face of the challenge of the EU enlargement has been carried out through different means. The first of them is by an obsessive tendency to overestimate the cost and danger of the Eastern expansion of the EU, with studies and analysis of costs and benefits which leave clear the animosity to the enlargement proposal and the fear of economic and trade competition from the former Eastern block for European industry and employment. The pressure exerted by German unification and the world recession in the beginning of the nineties seem to have obscured the benefits of the single market and to have shot the protectionists to the heart of the Union. The greater access for third countries to the market of the EU with the new transparency and the community unified legalsystem is being exchanged for a Fortress Europe mentality exemplified by the Common Agriculture Policy, by its massive anti-dumping regulations and miserly spirit and intrusiveness of Europe in the analysis of the contents, conditions and results of all the trade agreements with the Eastern candidate countries to date, despite the approval of the liberalizing trade legislation in the GATT Uruguay Round.

The second strategy is the numerous list of conditions imposed by the EU in order to accept their applications to be admitted to the select club of the Union. At the European Council of Copenhagen of 1993, the EU warned that the associated countries of Central and Eastern Europe, which wished to enter the EU, would do it when they were capable of assuming the obligations of membership, satisfying the required political and economic conditions and rejecting the establishment of any schedule to avoid the Commission or the Council.

The third strategy, equally dangerous, has been to opt for an individual approximation of carrying out future enlargements of the Union, which provoked the CEEC to enter upon a dizzy race to harmonize their legislations with the Community set and thus to adopt the voluminous new European legislative corpus so as to arrive first to the admission line. This strategy has encouraged a paralysis and stagnation of the efforts to promote successfully the Central European regional economic co-operation bloc and a deterioration in the bilateral relationships among them. This lack of co-operation among the lawyers has turned out in negative total for all of them, having substantially reduced their pressure capacity on Western European economic, political and financial strategic centres over the last years.

And the fourth strategy, and more important in this respect, followed by the EU to block and delay this European enlargement has been the fact, that the Union has opted for an overloaded agenda for work in the following years, so as to endanger, given the conditions set, the project of enlargement to the East. The single European currency, the negotiations for budgetary proposals for the seven-year European budget 1999—2006, the reform of the great common policies such as the CAP, the cohesion funds, the structural funds, the institutional reforms required to face the problems of the existing balance and democratic legitimacy, can all lead to the failure of the enlargement, its delay or postponement given the overload of obligations, all requiring a consensus on the model of European integration to be used, and which does not exist at present, leaving this expansion a mere public gesture of little impact. Although it is important to eliminate the illegitimatizing undemocratic heritage of the European institutional framework, but since the volume of transfer of national sovereignties towards the Community’s institutions seems to strengthen the quasi-federal dimension of the Union, there are attempts to use the institutional reformist process as a means to delay and impede the speed of the eastern expansion of the European Union, which could endanger not only the democratic consolidation of the Central and Eastern European societies, but also the security and stability of the continent, and, what it is more worrying, put in danger the unity of the European integrationist project, as countries, such as Germany, Austria, Denmark, or Finland, would lose their interest for the current European building in favour of a greater bilateralism in their relationships with these Eastern neighbours, acting as free riders.

This European introspection has been moulded very clearly in the successive European summits centered on the same internal questions repeated again and again, without any conclusive results, showing an egotistical vision of Europe, the irremediable decadence of the European construction steeped in an atmosphere of indecision and in a mire that surrounds the decision-taking process, where the question of the enlargement is avoided for fear of the economic and political sacrifices, the fear produced by the proliferation of heterogeneous national visions of Europe, built on differing interests and priorities — an Europe unmanageable from a political standpoint.


"Russia-Belarus Integration and Public Opinion" (Alexandr Sharapo)

The article investigates one of the most topical issues of contemporary international processes between the Russian Federation and the Republic of Belarus, currently evolving within the framework of the Treaty on the Union State and the Action Programme of the Republic of Belarus and the Russian Federation on the implementation of the Treaty.

The author considers the main factors determining the intensification of the integrational processes in 1999, the period, which is different in quality from the preceding stages of bilateral integration. The article gives priority in its analysis to the geopolitical situation, new both for Belarus and for Russia, which took shape after the extension of NATO to the east in April 1999 and the official nomination of a number of countries of Central and Eastern Europe for accession to the European Union. The author notes that the Treaty on the Union State, implying strategic partnership of Russia and Belarus, is "the only and the main answer to the enlargement of NATO".

The author also investigates a qualitatively new domestic political situation in Russia and Belarus, conditioned by the election campaign to the Russian Duma, in the process of which, all Russian political forces came to the same "opinion of the necessity of further closer integration of our states". The new economic situation, requiring valid economic cooperation between the two states, also promoted signing the Treaty on the Union State, according to which the gradual adoption of a single currency unit and the implementation of united policy in price formation and securities market are envisaged.

The article considers the prospects of the development of cooperation within the CIS framework, assessing, whether signing the Treaty on the Union State would promote integrational processes in the CIS of vica versa would enhance the disintegrational processes within the latter organisation. The author deems important the issue of whether the rapidintegration of Russia and Belarus would involve a possible distancing from Europe and European organisations or, conversely, would make for integration of both countries into European structures. Problems are identified and some predictions are made as to the collaboration of the Republic of Belarus with European organisations, in particular, with the European Union. Belarusian and Russian politicians’ opinions are cited concerning the problems of the interaction of Russia and Belarus with European structures and concerning various aspects of signing of the Treaty on the Union State (retaining the statehood and the sovereignty of Belarus and Russia, the degree to which the provisions of the Treaty correspond to the constitution of Russia, the immediate necessity, and the degree of it, of deep political integration as an instrument of economic advantages and the public opinion impact on the nature and rate of Russian-Belarusian integration).


“Customs Union: Plans and Realities” (Anatoly Sirotsky)

The article is devoted to the issues of the development of the Customs Union of Belarus and Russia, which is regarded to be first form of integration cooperation within the framework of their short history.

The author evaluates the results achieved and recognizes indisputable advantages of integration of the two countries in the sphere of regulation of foreign trade, customs legislation unification and formation of a single customs policy towards the third coundtries. Meanwhile, the author draws attention to serious barriers on the way of the formation of a valid Customs Union, which are due to some unresolved legal political and organizational problems. The process of all-embracing integration presupposes not merely the unification of customs legislation but their full conformity.

The author believes that it is necessary to transform the Parliamentary Assembly into a legislative body of the Union of Belarus and Russia, which could pass laws of direct action in the customs sphere as well. In this case frequent retreats from agreements, that were developed in coordination, could be avoided. The article analyses the formation process of the single customs union regarding such issues as: adoption of a common customs tariff, concluding of a single excise duty policy and the uniform fixation of the VAT. The article concludes in grounding the main directions of further work on formation of a single customs territory: tariff and non-tariff external foreign trade regulation, payment and settlement relations, currency control and customs organization.


"Foreign Policy and International Relations of Belarus in the Studies of National and International Relations Department of the National Academy of Sciences of Belarus Institute of History (1960—1990s)" (Vladimir Snapkovsky)

The article analyses the development of studies in the sphere of foreign policy of Belarus, its international connections and Belarusian diaspora, which were carried out in 1960s—90s by the members of national and international relations department of the National Academy of Sciences of Belarus Institute of History. The article shows political and scientific organizational conditions of the establishment of the division of the European socialist countries history at the Institute of History of the Academy of Sciences of the BSSR in 1969. It also reveals the reasons for the transformation of its field into the studies of international connections of Belarus (BSSR). The article shows, that in the beginning of the 1990s there occurred the department’s transition towards the development of topical and unfamiliar issues of history regarding foreign policy and diplomacy of Belarus in the XX century, Belarusian diaspora and emigration. The article also analyses the most significant academic works of the department members and their contribution to the development of historical and international studies in Belarus.


"Hans Morgenthau: a Realist Theory of International Policy" (Nina Antanovich, Elena Dostanko)

The article contributes to the study of the heritage of the outstanding politologist (geopolititian) Hans Morgenthau, a representative of the "realist" tradition in the theory of international relations. His monograph "Politics Among Nations. The Struggle for Power and Peace", published in 1948, has by right become a classic in the international relations theory. The topicality of the article is determined by the necessity to turn to the main approaches in international relations theory while shaping the foreign policy concept in Belarus. The "realist" theory of international policy, presented in the abovementioned book, is one of such approaches.

The authors of the article emphasize, that it was Morgenthau himself, who laid the foundations of elaborate theory of international relations as an academic field in its own right. The main propositions of the theory of political realism (international politics as a bid for power, conflicting national interests of states as a source of international conflicts) still remain relevant for practising politicians.

The article analyses the principles of political realism, the concept of political realism, the basic models of any state’s policy and the concepts of political, cultural and economic imperialism, outlined in the «realist» theory of international relations by Morgenthau.


"The Balfour Declaration November 2, 1917 and the Draft Declaration of the Zionist Organisation July 18, 1917: the Analysis of the Texts at the Semantic Level" (Dmitry Sheveliov)

The paper is devoted to the consideration of the contents of the Balfour Declaration of November 2, 1917 and the draft declaration of July 18, 1917.

In December 1916 D. Lloyd George occupied the post of Prime Minister, and A. J. Balfour became Foreign Secretary. The new British Government was not satisfied with the Sykes — George-Picot — Sazonov Agreement, March 17 — October 23, 1916. Officials in British Government supposed that the Sykes — George-Picot — Sazonov Agreement had made too big concessions to France. In accordance with this Agreement, international administration had to be arranged by consent of the allies — Great Britain, France, Russia, and the representatives of the Sharif of Mecca — in the southern part of vilayet Beirut and northern part of sanjak Jerusalem. Great Britain took the seaport of Haiffa as porto franco and the seaport of Acre, and the rights of construction, management, and ownership of the railway, which had to link Haiffa with an independent Arab State or the Arab States Confederation. Zionist colonization of Palestine had to be continued, as well as the rights and privileges of the Orthodox Church preserved.

During the First World War Zionist leaders discussed the possibility of establishment of British control over Palestine or a combined Franco-British condominium, and the establishment of national home for Jewish people in Palestine.

British control over Palestine allowed to move the approaches to Suez Canal northeast, to have common boundaries with future French territories in Syria and Lebanon, and to surround Hijaz with the territories loyal to London. Also the following reasons roused London to act in Palestine fait accompli and to proclaim the Balfour Declaration of November 2, 1917:

1) London wanted to create loyal (or allied) force in the Middle East in order to outstrip Berlin and Washington;

2) Great Britain wished to stop the negotiations of Zionist leaders in Germany and Austria with the Porte;

3) the British Cabinet wanted also to stop the massive wave of Jewish immigrants to the British Isles;

4) for Lloyd George and Balfour the project of establishment of the Jewish national home in Palestine had religious importance.

The semantic analysis of the texts of the Balfour Declaration November 2, 1917, and the draft document of July 18, 1917, shows that the draft document does not do for the British Cabinet, because of the following reasons:

1) the draft document did not point out, under the protection of what country the Zionist movement had had to arrange Jewish national life in Palestine;

2) the draft document restricted Great Britain by precise aims and facilities of the Zionist movement;

3) Great Britain could not recognize Palestine as the only national home for Jewish people because the majority of the population there were Muslims and Christians.

The draft document provided for London’s recognition of Palestine as "the National home of the Jewish people", whereas the Declaration of 2 November spoke about favouring the view of the British Government towards "the establishment in Palestine of a national home for Jewish people".

The final variant of the document was the compromise between London and the Zionist movement, and contained the proclamation of the British government’s purposes towards Jewish national home in Palestine.


"Uniting Russia and Belarus: Problems and Prospects (from the Third Round-Table Discussion of the Scholars of Russia and Belarus)" (Felix Pribytkovsky)

This article includes the information about the "round table" of Russian and Belarusian scholars in the sphere of international relations. The form discussed the problems of future Russian-Belarusian relations after the ratification of the Agreement about the creation of the Union State.

The discussion consisted of three sessions: the first — "Political Aspects of Russian-Belarusian Relations"; the second — "Economic Problems of Russian- Belarusian Relations"; the third — "International and Juridical Aspects of the Union State".

The main conclusion of the "round table"consists in the assertion that the creation of the Union State requires not only long time, but also hard scientific work, which should be taken into account by the leaders of both countries.

As a result of the discussions the "round table" adopted the Summary Document.


"Technological Cooperation in Asian Pacific Region: Experience for the Notice of Russian Federation and the CIS Countries" (Rostislav Spivak)

Science and technology are seen to be central features of any development strategy. The USA and Japan are the most technologically advanced countries in the world and a major source of new technologies for the rest of Asian-Pacific region. Flows of direct investment and production "know-how" have been key factors underpinning the success of the region as a whole. The Newly Industrial Economies and the ASEAN, with their massive investment in infrastructure and human capital, had domestic capability to learn and exploit foreign technology. The governments of these countries also provided stable macroeconomic environments and industrial policies that were supportive of technology-led development. The most advanced countries are supporting the long-term fundamental research needed to underpin the industries of the 21st century. This article also focuses on acquisition routes of technology from advanced countries, reluctance of Multi-National Corporation to purchase locally manufactured goods in the host country and to transfer new technologies.


"The Direct Foreign Investments Role in Chinese Economy" (Ekaterina Sapozhnikova)

The article is devoted to economic cooperation of China with the Pacific Rim countries in the field of attraction of foreign capital.

The Chinese government provides conditions for attraction and use of the investments, combining incentive measures with measures of restriction, administrative control with active use of economic levers and stimuli in order to influence territorial and branch accommodation of the investments.

Primary factors, stimulating the inflow of foreign investors to the People’s Republic of China, are the capacity of the market, rather low cost of labor, a favorable currency rate, the tariff rates and political stability.

The government of China encourages both attracting foreign investments and the investment in other countries, according to the tasks of economic development of the country. The attraction of direct foreign investments allows to accelerate structural reorganization of national economy, first of all, of industrial production, to expand an export potential and, eventually, to strengthen the role of China in the world economy.

 
 
Contest of Research Papers
3_j
2_ref
1_hr
Hotline
Memo for Ukrainians

On-line